Toting submachine guns and sometimes wearing masks as they drive through Uganda’s streets, elite members of the military are seen more as an independent force to keep their 81-year-old President Yoweri Museveni.
Museveni has led Uganda since 1986, when his rebel forces entered the capital, Kampala. This time he won four elections – all were reported by allegations of violence and riding.
But this is nothing new in the country – since Uganda’s independence in 1962, power has only ever changed hands through rebellion or military concessions.
Museveni is seeking re-election next year and the opposition fears that the special forces command (SFC) could be used to block the campaign, as it means it was 2021.
But the SFC, which was commanded by Museveni’s son Gen Muhoozi Kainerugaba, has been accused by government critics of kidnapping, torturing and killing opposition activists throughout the year, not just during elections. The SFC denies these allegations.
“It’s like a shadow army within the army run by the president and his son. Its rise and influence is causing anger among the top brass,” said one military source.
This is combined with the fact that Gen Kainerugaba, 51, who is now the head of the army, said he wanted to kill his father one day, and asked his son to join the army.
Gen Kainerugaba also despised the punished by the tall generals, calling him “Buffoon”.
His miracles sent for a while through military and political circles, but the government burned them as “Mere Social-Media Vinter” – something known to Gen Kainerugaba.
Several years ago he made a joke commenting on the attack on the next door neighbor, to the reduction of journals.
Analysts say that this unit has become so influential that it retaliates the power of the conventional war, which is still the commanders who are fighting the guerrilla war that brought Musurevi and his National Organization (NRM).
These observers have raised fears that the two could clash one day – as in Sudan where a civil war has broken out following a power struggle between the army and the elite group (RSF).
This unit, now known as the SFC, was created when Museveni began to age, with the slogan “There is no room for loyalty”.
“The SFC is the most powerful unit within the Ugandan military, including [most] They are the most trained, well-equipped, and well-funded managers in the country,” Dr. Gerald Bereebe, Ugandan-born Canadian-born Natada at the university, told the BBC.
Both the Ugandan army and the SFC declined to comment when approached by the BBC.
Museveni’s son Gen Muhoozi Kainerugaba first became SFC Commander in 2008 [Getty Images]
Museveni had earlier defended the SFC, saying it was created by Ugandans. He said only people who do not wish Uganda well can be happy with such power.
But Museveni’s critics see it differently – they argue that the President has ruled with an iron fist since seizing power, and has turned the country over to his family.
They noted that the President’s wife, Janet, is the minister of education and Gen Kainerugaba is the war chief. His grandson’s enlistment in the army – announced in July – is seen as a development for the family ruler.
Gen Kainerugaba led the SFC twice and was spoiled by its expansion to about 10,000 members. The regular army is thought to have up to 40,000 active members.
“They continue with special training. And they also have sophisticated weapons, unlike the regular army,” said a former senior police officer, “said a senior military commander told the BBC.
Although his father encouraged the king of the defender in March last year, Gen Kainerugaba is said to have retained de facto control over the SFC, its current commander, its current commander, its current commander, reporting to him.
Gen Kainerugaba works mainly at the unit’s headquarters – in a building named by his father after his Father – in Entebbe, about 21 kilometers) south of the capital, Kampala.
Those in the SFC are highly trained and the unit is now estimated to be 10,000 strong [State House Uganda/X]
The SFC boasts on its website that it employs special experts “on a temporary basis”, and is assigned to protect critical installations such as major airports and oil fields.
It is widely suspected that he crossed into Kenya last November to arrest the Kizza Besigye politician, and then brought him back to Uganda to begin the year’s treason trial, which is yet to begin. The military prosecutor admitted the involvement of Ugandan security forces.
Analysts like Dr. Bareebe felt that the SFC’s Core Funct “confirmed the survival of the regime” by posing threats – not only from the opposition but also from the warlords.
“It is playing a key role in suppressing reunification and protecting the ruling NRM from both internal threats,” said Dr Bareebe.
“My biggest fear is that we don’t know what will happen when Museveni leaves and there is opposition to the army” “, source: Source: Source: Source: Source:
Although the SFC has denied involvement in the wave of deportations and torture of dissident members, some of its officers have been found guilty of abusing their powers.
The most prominent case is that of a 32-year-old soldier of the SFC, who worked in court and was sentenced to death in Lovember, November Wednesday for shooting the dead, killing three people and injuring two others, including a one-year-old child.
In May, the President’s office said it was investigating a reported incident in which SFC soldiers were accused of abusing a Boda Boda driver – as motorcycle-like taxis are known in the area. The passenger was in a hurry to arrive and his wife was pregnant when he was caught in the presidential convoy.
In the same month, Gen Kainerugaba revealed public abuse after confirming the arrest of an opposition watchdog, who had been missing for days.
He said his “boys” had Edward Sebuufu, Alias Eddie Ma muke, “in my room”, and in a social media post, attached a picture of the body with a clean head.
Gen Kainerugaba made fun of Mr Sebuufu, saying “he looks smart these days” as his beard was trimmed by “my boy”, referring to the young soldier.
The Uganda Law Society said Mr Sebuuf’s ordeal was not an isolated case, but ‘part of a systematic campaign to silence life and crush the aspirations of people yearning for freedom’.
It added that the incident underscored the “dangerous nexus of military power and political repression”.
The pleasant atmosphere of the unit and its operation often lead to the suspicion that its existence is illegal.
But in June, the Parliament passed an amendment to the opposition law, recognizing the SFC as one of the four official military services – along with the international forces, the expert forces and the last mission.
Opposition MPs condemned the move, saying the unit should not be given such a status and should be disbanded.
“The new law guarantees an illegal business,” said MP Ibrahim Ssemujju Ngunda.
For DR BEEEBEbe, the law of the elevation of the SFC simply reflects its already prominent position within the Ugandan power structure and reinforces its role as the cornerstone of Regime Security”.
This concern is shared by respected Ugandan commentator Godber TuSushabe. He recently warned that despite this, despite the strength of the country, “all we have is the absence of war”.
This year, Parliament recognized the SFC as one of the four official military services [State House Uganda/X]
A senior military officer, who prefers not to be named for fear of competition, told the BBC that there has been growing inequality in the military in the process of re-employment of the unit as it seems to come from the lines of recruitment of the unit as it seems to come from the lines of recruitment of the unit as it seems to come from the lines of recruitment of the unit as it seems to come from the lines of recruitment of the unit as it seems to be seen from the lines of races.
Various sources, including those in the war, told the BBC that the SFC was largely managed by officials from Mxomalanga Meyankore Hlicankore Hliport, and related communities, to ensure credibility.
“If you look at all the managers of the SFC since its establishment, they came from Museveni,” said Nganda, the opposition MP.
Of the six managers who have held this position since 2007, only one is not popular in the western countries, where the banyankore live.
Given these competing goals, analysts fear that a power struggle could continue between rival military factions in the Post-Museveni ERA.
“My biggest fear is that we don’t know what will happen when Museveni leaves and there are contradictions within the army,” said Nganda.
Dr Bareebe touched on this: “The central position of the SFC and the regular army – each with its own credibility, interests and command structures – can create a clear political rigidity and violence, especially if there is no clear succession plan.”
But some commentators disagree, saying that this is where Gen Kainerugaba will come into his own given his long career with the army and the SFC.
They argue that he is well placed to hold rival factions together and ensure that the Musseve Dynasty continues, ensuring stability in Uganda.
Such a result would be seen as absurd by objection.
Robert Kyagulanyi, the former pop star better known as Bobi Wine who is running against President Museveni for a second term the following year, describes the unit as a “squad group”.
Earlier this year Gen Kainerugaba threatened to shun the opposition leader, although he later deleted the “joke” twitter and apologized.
Bobi Winey told the BBC he and his colleagues were often targeted and beaten by SFC officers – and he wants the group to be expelled.
“This is very much seen as a phase in the war that supports the regime’s survival of the fittest,” he said. “They are working in a dishonest way and they are working under the protection of general Museveni and his son.”
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